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The Tayloes of Virginia and William and Thomas Eden: Matthew Ridley as agent for JS&C: Sundry Campbell Letters: William Beckford as absentee Jamaica landowner: Transportation opens from Scotland: End of Capt. Colin Somerville: Tobacco and customs laws: List of Duncan Campbell's colonial correspondents:

 

The Blackheath Connection

Chapter 13

 

The Tayloes of Virginia and William and Thomas Eden:

 

Ship names can have unexpected significance. Schmidt mentions the Tayloes of Virginia as dealers in convict labour. The name Tayloe is first met in Campbell's correspondence regarding that ship, from 1771; Tayloe the family is not met until March 1772. As noted, in January 1769 Capt. Christopher Reed sailed for JS&C on Thornton. The Thornton family were looked at askance, at least commercially, by the Tayloes, but it has remained little realised this Tayloe ([1]) ironically in 1776 became one of the first two convict "hulks" on the Thames. The connection with a noted Virginian family has never been stated. The Tayloe family had owned Mount Airy near Warsaw, Richmond County, since the mid-Seventeenth Century, property on a ridge overlooking the Rappahanock River, Campbell's favoured destination for his convict ships. In 1758, Col. John Tayloe had erected a mansion, the "product of long land tenure", probably from plans by John Ariss, and "perhaps the finest Palladian mansion built in the British colonies". ([2])

 

There is a matter which has not previously been clear, at least, not to Australians. Robert Eden governed Maryland in the 1770s, ([3]) and maintained links with his merchant-brother, Thomas. It has earlier been mentioned that the only people making positive remarks about the convict service have been British politicians and administrators. A politician to appear with novel views on managing prisoners was these men's brother, William Eden, the later Lord Aukland. In Eden's view, where convicts were concerned, the state wished to redefine its pound of flesh. Eden published his Principles of Penal Law in 1772. ([4])

 

Eden formed "definite views on the utility of transportation". He had seen conditions in the North American colonies at first hand, and while it is not known if he inspected the situation of the transported convict, he thought transportation benefited only the criminal, depriving the state of a subject and his future utility. He wished felons to labour on public works in Great Britain, sending only the more "enormous offenders" overseas. ([5]) But there is little reason to believe that Eden's ideas would have prevailed if the American Revolution had not broken out. Eden was also a mover of the British Secret Service, having more or less inherited it from the Duke of Newcastle. ([6])

 

Reports on the prison hulks established on the Thames from 1775 seem as though drawn straight from news of punishments inflicted on the damned in Dante's Inferno, reports sans Dante's poetry and satiric intents. In Dante's Inferno ([7]) the malbowges were a zone of Hell illustrating...

 

"the City in corruption; the progressive disintegration of every social relationship, personal and public. Sexuality, ecclesiastical and civil office, language, ownership, counsel, authority, psychic influence, and material interdependence - all the media of the community's exchange are perverted and falsified, till nothing remained but the descent into the final abyss where faith and trust are wholly and forever extinguished.(")

 

The hulks would be a zone for convicts the British could not transport, those found guilty of corrupting the worthiness of the community. Once the 1776 Hulks Act had been enacted there would be controversy in London about extensions of the power of the crown, a perversion of the criminal law, fear of the spread of lethal disease, allegations of sodomy amongst male convicts, corruption of younger prisoners, corruption amongst magistrates, and so on. Legally there would be a change in views on the "property in the service of the body of the convict", which today we would regard as a reduction in the civil liberties apportioned the convict by the community. With the Hulks Act, the state retained the ownership of this "property", so these malbowges, the hulks, even represented a change in property relations. But all this was six years away.

 

* * *

 

Matthew Ridley becomes an agent for John Stewart and Campbell:

 

JS&C had unwittingly chosen as their senior agents some men who would be flowers of the revolution to be fought in North America. Matthew Ridley became an agent for JS&C in 1770. ([8]) Born in England in 1749, Matthew Ridley ([9]) was well educated, and first went to America in 1770 as the manager of JS&C's Maryland branch. ([10]) Before, during and after the American Revolution, Ridley took to American life with a passion. He ended in modestly assisting politicians such as Benjamin Franklin, John Adams and John Jay. In 1775, Ridley went to England to marry Ann Richardson, and while there he assisted American prisoners of war. (One of his compatriots in this work was Benjamin Vaughan, son of Samuel Vaughan the West India planter. There is no record in Campbell's papers that Ridley saw Campbell on that trip.)

 

After the death of his first wife, Ridley in April 1787 married Catherine Livingstone, daughter of Gov. William Livingstone of New Jersey. Thereby he became a brother-in-law to politician John Jay. Earlier, in 1781, Ridley had been appointed agent for Maryland to obtain loans for that state from France. At the time, Maryland was alarmed by the approach of Cornwallis and the British, and could scarcely afford to arm itself. He went to Europe in November, 1781 to later meet John Adams in Holland, and John Jay in France. (It remains another facet of mystery, why American historians have never associated Campbell the tobacco trader and merchant activist with Campbell the employer of Matthew Ridley, with Campbell the convict contractor, later the chairman of the British Creditors.)

 

* * *

 

On 6 April, 1770 John Stewart renewed both his contracts originally made with Treasury in the 1760s. Both contracts required him to transport after felons were sentenced. This security of supply was probably why Ridley had on 17 April, 1770 signed with JS&C to become their Baltimore agent, also agent for their interests in Jamaica. ([11]) More likely, agent for Campbell's sole interests to Jamaica, since Stewart had no such interests.

 

At this time, the Virginians Fitzhugh were some of Stewart's prized correspondents. William Fitzhugh in 1770 built a mansion at Chatam near Falmouth, Stafford County, Virginia, He was a member of the Houses of Burgesses, (1772-75) and the Revolutionary Conventions of 1775-76. He also attended the Continental Congress. ([12]) One Col. William Fitzhugh surrendered his commission in the British Army rather than fight against America. ([13])

 

* * *

 

In Britain between 1770-1772, a number of convicts were pardoned on condition they serve in the Navy; although, the Admiralty was very dubious about their quality. ([14]) From 1770, the number of British whalers sailing increased from 50 to 247 in 1788; and 31 of these whalers were Scots. In January 1770, Lord North was appointed Prime Minister, lasting in that role until March 1782, through the turbulence of the American Revolution. ([15])

 

Campbell's shipping remained busy. Departing England in February 1770 was Justitia Capt. Colin Somervell. ([16]) Departing in April 1770 was New Trial Capt. Dougal McDougal; the ship may not have been JS&C's, but McDougal later sailed for Campbell. The Scarsdale Capt. Chris Reed for Virginia in 1770 probably sailed for JS&C. ([17]) During May 1770, Campbell in minor business dealt with Gopiter and Boronberg in the matter of the bankrupt, Metcalfe, Gregg and Potts, Turner.

 

* * *

 

Sundry letters:

 

Campbell Letter 8:

Transcript from the Private Letterbooks of Duncan Campbell Vol. 1.

London 6th Septemr 1770

Dear Brother

 

I wrote you the 10th July and 19th of last month a very long letter by the Orange Bay Capt Somerville Via Philad. I kept my first letter till his sailing being in doubt where to direct to you & at that time being still in an Uncertainty in that respect. I thought it the safest way to send my letters by Neil in Case he did not find you in North America. The delay of Conveying them to you at Jamaica would not be long. As I was very full in my last I have little new matter to communicate, Only to acknowledge the Rect of your letter of 29 June agreeable to your order I have Insurance on 350 pounds on the Westmoreland Capt McCardell in name of Frank Somerville, the Nt proceeds of which shall be paid to him accordingly, he is at present in Scotland and I hope will find great benefit from the Change of Climate. I communicated your message to Mrs Martle who desires to be kindly remembered to you. In my last I wrote to you that Mr Crooks had written to us he would ship us about 100 Terces Sugar annually, and if he found our Market Equal to those of Bristol he would send us his whole crop which would be about 160 Terces he desires to know how much money we would choose to advance him if he should want. Before we received that letter we had desired him to apply to you in Case his Occasions called for an advance. Mr. Stewart upon my Applying to him before declined Entering into any Jamaican Engagements & I suppose he continues of the same mind I need not repeat my application.

.....

While I was writing the above I received a letter from Mr Stewart from Saltuns telling me that my poor Brother Archie was in a very dangerous way & the Physicians have no hopes of him. as I am circumstanced at present I could not possibly be spared from Town so have sent my brother Neil to be with him .... I am greatly distressed at my being deprived of assisting in doing perhaps that last Office of Friendship to a Brother & yet I cannot venture from Town .... ([18])

 

Campbell was still trying to talk Stewart into Jamaican engagements.

 

Campbell Letter 9:

London Sept 16, 1770

James Crooks Esq.

....

Mr Stewart being a Stranger to your Island does not care to enter into any Engagement there until we have established a proper footing. But as I have more knowledge of a great desire to keep up my old connection and acquaintances I have taken these advances upon myself. ([19])

 

Campbell Letter 10:

London Nov 2, 1770

Richard Betham

Dear Sir,

I received your sundry favours of the 24 Sept and 8 Oct and one without a date which I apprehend was the latest written my being from home for some days prevented my Receiving and of course answering the two first so soon as I otherways would have done. I am glad my Conduct towards my Poor Brother Decd met with your approbation, and more so to find your little boy has now got .... I am extreamly concerned to find you have been so Dissappointed in the man you took for your friend on which head I shall as you desire remain Dumb. I see no great prospect of any altercation which would be favourable to you; however there is no telling what may happen in the course of a winter. I observe what you mention about your friend and neighbour Mr. Moore's son; I shall be very happy in shewing him every Civility in my power whenever I have the pleasure of seeing him which I have not yet done; or was the purpose of your letter to introduce him to me?

.....

I come now to answer your last letter wherein you mention you are distrust about the raising the money so soon as called upon to make your payments for the Farm you purchased and desiring me to assist you therein. ... As to what you say of Borrowing money at 4% (?) I like you ... that the Value of money is so Enhanced here at to buy Government (?) at 5% ..... (??) Indeed I do not believe any other money (??) ([20])

 

Campbell Letter 11:

London 15 Nov 1770

Campbell to John Campbell Esquire Orange bay (Campbell to Dear Bror.

My nephew Frank I suppose has written to you repeatedly he has some thoughts of going to North America in partnership with Mr Noble to establish a little store at Philadelphia ..... [why not go to Jamaica?] ...... (Capt Ratcliffe will take seed from Gordon the seedsman ... )

 

This goes by Capt Daniel who has been lately with me frequently, I offered to take a share in his ship as you seemed to think it proper & desired him to acquaint Mr Currie of my Offers but neither he nor I know at this moment whether I am Concerned in her or not. C.C. never having talked with me on that subject ....

 

[Neil] ... the sale of his cargo at this Critical juncture of Publick affairs which must undoubtedly enhance the value of lumber greatly - - expences on all manner of naval stores - if matters cannot be accomodated between Spain and Us convoys will be appointed. ([21])

 

* * *

 

William Beckford as a Jamaica absentee landlord:

 

The Mayor of London in 1771 was Brass Crosby. Preceding him as Mayor had been William Beckford, who, secure in the integrity of his interests in the Caribbean sugar islands, had lately been advocating a British "swing to the east" via an increasing emphasis on the East India Company. ([22]) Beckford by 1762 had already been mayor of London, but being an old man had stepped down. Londoners of influence had implored him to take up the mayoralty once again, which he did while relations between London, the government and the King were frosty. Early in 1770, the Liverymen of the City Companies presented a petition calling on George III to redress the nation's grievances (more evidence of the repressiveness of the George's reign?). ([23]) George failed to reply to the petition. On 23 May, 1770 came Lord Mayor William Beckford's famous, controversial speech to George, for which the common councilmen of London were so grateful, they made a statue of Beckford and mounted it on a block of stone in which were carved in gold the words Beckford had used to admonish the king.

 

Beckford broke protocol to ask the King to dissolve Parliament and to remove his civil councillors. As Girtin says, Beckford "remonstrated with the King and courageously attacked the King's minister". ([24]) George was reported enraged at the request and more so at the breach of protocol. (Beckford died shortly after his remarks to the king.)

 

Campbell had presumably followed all this in the newspapers with a conservative sourness...

 

Campbell Letter 12:

 

London Nov 15 1770

John Campbell Esquire Orange Bay

Dear Sir

I would not let slip so favourable an opportunity as this by Capt Campbell. Without acknowledging the honour due me by your favour of the Orange Bay in which your Strictures are rather severe But I have the greatest faith in the words of the Scripture which saith whom the Lord loveth he Chastitheth, and therefore I thankfully kiss the Rod.

...... [Neil should be on Green Island] ... The warlike preparations now going on here as well as in so many other states in Europe, does not in my poor Opinion Portend the Event of Peace. however disposed our administration may be to it, the puntiles cannot now be given up on our side. altercations of course take place, which between armed powers are very dangerous and seldom has been known to end without blows. I was always a lover of Peace, & I think the older I grow the more I am inclined to it. Not that I get anything by it, though perhaps you will say I do, and not be far wrong. You know war is a woefull Consumer of some of the Commodities which I deal in, and the price being fixed here we have not the advantage of an increase therein in proportion to the scarsity, as in most other manufactures. Patriot tho I am I cannot but own these Considerations will operate somewhat with me when I am called upon, as I expect shortly to be, to give my vote among others, upon the alarming situation of our affairs, at home and abroad, the Great men greater than the Judges at Westminster Hall, have decided upon that important question; and yesterday the Common Council of London took it under their most serious Consideration, when after many learned debates on the subject they concluded with a resolution, to present a Remonstrance to the King for the speedy dissolution of Parliament, as being a useless part of the Constitution and Legislation; they being in the Opinion of themselves the only competent judges in all state matters and they likewise directed the King to remove from about him all Civil Councillors. It is supposed that in a very short time a Common Council will be called to consider who of their number may be fit and proper persons to be removed from the Business of the City to that of St James. I see you grow tired of my stuff and so I conclude with most sincere wishes..... ([25])

 

Campbell Letter 13:

DC to John Campbell Saltspring, Nov. 15, 1770.

 

London 15 Nov 1770

(Campbell to Dear Bror.

My nephew Frank I suppose has written to you repeatedly he has some thoughts of going to North America in partnership with Mr Noble to establish a little store at Philadelphia ..... why not go to Jamaica? ......

 

(Capt Ratcliffe will take seed from Gordon the seedsman ... )

 

This goes by Capt Daniel who has been lately with me frequently, I offered to take a share in his ship as you seemed to think it proper & desired him to acquaint Mr Currie of my Offers but neither he nor I know at this moment whether I am Concerned in her or not. C.C. never having talked with me on that subject .... [Neil] ... the sale of his cargo at this Critical juncture of Publick affairs which must undoubtedly enhance the value of lumber greatly -

 

* * *

 

Transportation opens from Scotland:

 

Departing England in December 1770 was Justitia Capt. Colin Somervell. By then, James Cheston for his Bristol firm was selling felons at Annapolis. ([26]) Transportation was broadened to Scotland, where the legal system was still based on Roman law, not English common or statutory law. To the Scots, banishment was anathema, and if it had to be indulged, there was no servitude attached to the period of exile. By 1770, James Baird of Glasgow was a small-time convict contractor. ([27]) One of his ships in 1770 was wrecked off the coast of Kent; the prisoners had to be kept by the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex - who in May 1770 were James Townsend and John Sawbridge - till other arrangements could be made. ([28]) A. G. L. Shaw notes that Act 6 Geo III. 32 was the Transportation Act for Scotland. From 1771 the Glasgow tobacco trader Patrick Colquhuon (backed by his tobacco business with Alexander Speirs) transported all the Scots convicts, probably until 1775. Most prisoners were embarked at Glasgow, some at Greenock. ([29]) ([30]) Linebaugh details street life and the discipline meted out to the restive working class in London, including a hundred soldiers with fixed bayonets deployed around a gibbet to allow the job to be done. As Wilkes warned, Tyranny at home might find its way across the Atlantic to the American colonies.

 

* * *

 

The end of Captain Colin Somerville:

 

In the early 1770s Campbell experienced trouble with both his nephews commanding his ships, Neil and Colin Somerville. ([31]) Campbell's Virginia agent Tom Hodges sent disquieting news on the scandalous behaviour of Colin, Justitia's captain. Campbell could only piece things together gradually. One detail entailed 600 taken in insurance by Colin for one of Justitia's voyages, presumably for a captain's private cargo. Then, Colin died. His affairs between Virginia and Glasgow were in disarray. Some dealings were shady.

 

The news became worse. Allegations were that Colin had several times brought a convict girl back to England with him, thereby endangering the Stewart and Campbell contracts with Government. Returning a convict from transportation was a grave offence. Campbell's difficulties included Colin's "long deception" in this regard; and possibly the collusion of the colonial agent, Tom Hodges. As Campbell put it to John Paterson of the port of Glasgow, the convict girl "had much ascendancy" over Colin. It is possible that the two Somerville nephews had colluded to cheat their uncle, but it is not possible from Campbell's letters to establish this with certainty. Campbell initially was circumspect in mentioning these matters to family members in Scotland, but felt finally driven to unleash considerable vituperation on his Somerville nephews. ([32]) As an aside... On 12 May, 1770, Landon Carter wanted to give Mr. Hodge a "stinging memorandum" on some matter of money for either Hodge or Stewart and Campbell. ([33]) Here, Carter may have fallen victim to some scheme hatched by the Somervilles?

 

On 6 June, 1771, Campbell wrote to John Paterson, "A day or two since I received from our own agent Mr Thomas Hodge the Copys of Sundry Writings of Capt Somerville's, which I recopied and send you annexed. By them you will see he had a Connexion which I was a stranger to till I received them; I now find this girl was a convict, which he carried out some years since, & who it would seem had much ascendancy over him. I am wholly ignorant about the situation of his affairs here or in Virginia:" ([34]) Campbell of course feared especially for the security of his contracts for felons. Any breach of security would have brought JS&C into disrepute with government. The affair boiled on for months, involving a great deal of correspondence as Colin's dealings were sorted out. Matters of commercial reputation and family honour were equally at stake.

 

The year had begun quietly enough. On 23 January, 1771 Campbell had written to Mr Hugh McLean, "I received your favour of the 14 inst and am to return you my best wishes for your kindness in endeavouring to make my sister easy."

 

* * *

Campbell Letter 14:

London 6 June 1771

John Paterson

Sir

My being in the Country prevented my receiving your very short Letter in due course of post. My motives for writing to Colin's Brother on the Melancholy Respect of his Death proceeded from a tenderness to his Father & you; as I was unwilling it should come too abruptly to your ears I desired Jamie to mention it to you as if coming from another Channel so as to prepare his father for the Event. I had no sort of Account about it till within these two days, I therefore could not take up my pen to write to his Father on such a Subject, uninformed as I was. A day or two since I Received from our agent Mr Thomas Hodge the Copy's of Sundry writtings of Capt Somerviles which I recopied and send to you annexed. By them you will see he had a Connection which I was a Stranger to till I received them; I now find this Girl was a Convict which he carried out some years since, & who it would seem had much ascendancy over him. I am Wholy Ignorant about the situation of his affairs here or in Virginia. There is I find by a Letter I received from Jamie a Mr Blay here with whom Colin had a great Intimacy & who has some Papers of Colins in his possessions, which Jamie bid me receive, but I choose to Decline meddling with them as I do not think I have any Authority. Colin has some money in our hands, & as we are just now balancing our Books we shall be shortly able to ascertain the sum. I believe he carried out a considerable adventure with him, as he desired to Insure 600 pounds on his Accot by the Justitia. You will please take a proper opportunity of Communicating the above to ...... to whom I realy cannot at present write of this Melancholy Subject

I am Sir

Your humble Servt

 

Poor Neil has been so

unluckie as to lose his ship between

Blackwall & Greenwich by a Careless Pilot

but will not Suffer being Insured. ([35])

 

Campbell Letter 15:

28th June 1771

Mr John Paterson

at Port Glasgow Scotland

Sir,

I received your letter covering a Power of Attorney from the Provost to settle his (???) affairs here. I should esteem it a very great favour if you would excuse me from taking the matter in hand, having by my Partners Ill State of health the whole business of our Counting house as well as some other very interesting matters of Assigneeships which fall upon my shoulders alone. If you will fix upon any other person he shall be wellcome at all times to any advice and assistance I can give him. Mr Hodges you may certainly put confidence in. he seems to me the only proper man in Virginia. I shall write him and tell him I have recommended him to you for the purpose of settling Capt Somervilles affairs in that Quarter. But when the Provost sends out a Power to him he ought (???) under an administration as their at (???) to his (???) without which I apprehend Mr Hodge will not, nor should I think it safe to act, under his power of attorney. I am wholly Ignorant of any matters between his Girl and the Mate. The Injury Colin might have done Mr Stewart and me by carrying her back to this Kingdom was such if it had been known as he never could have made a (???) & thereupon I cannot help acknowledging it has (???) my Esteem for his Memory, I find now he has long deceived me in that matter. I beg you will present my Compts to the Provost and Mrs Paterson, & if you can excuse me to him as above do it, if not I will undertake it hurried as I am rather than disoblige him or his family with whom I have had so long an Intimacy of Connection. But in this case a new Power must be drawn under an Administration & please to put in Virginia instead of J.Lands belonging to Great Britain. I know of no transactions Colin had in any J.Lands, but both may be put in, the first is omitted in that (???) I am

 

PS - The Ships Name was the Justitia in Power it is called Eustatia. ([36])

 

(NB: In 1771, the Maryland merchant Aquila Hall purchased goods from the London merchant Christopher Court and Co. of London, worth L1319. ([37]) In the 1790s, Duncan Campbell was trying to resurrect his American tobacco trade with Court's help.)

 

* * *

 

A loyal clerk, James Boyick:

 

The impression of Campbell is that he was always busy. His compensation for the Colin Somerville fiasco perhaps was his employment of an excellent managing clerk, B. James Boyick, who joined Campbell's counting house around October 1771 as a senior clerk. ([38]) Boyick stayed with the family until 1805-1808, after Campbell's death. Boyick, who seems to have been a bachelor and probably lived with the Campbell family, wrote many letters for Campbell on convict matters and is also noted in minor Blighiana. His strong copperplate hand was in striking contrast to Campbell's own spidery handwriting. Familiar with all varieties of his employer's affairs, Boyick acted at a senior executive level for many years. It seems Boyick's training was in office management and financial accounting, and that he had no legal training. There is, incidentally, no information in the Campbell Letterbooks allowing an estimate of how many employees Campbell had in his counting house, but one would imagine Boyick supervised about six other staff, office menials, not including a coach driver, a dray driver or two. There seems little doubt that Boyick's loyalty was a great help to Campbell over the years. ([39])

 

Boyick may have found, as it has been said, sales of sugar circa 1772 were held when there were 500 or more casks of sugar in a warehouse. ([40]) Boyick would also have learned a great deal about how the tobacco trade operated. Specialist treatments of the industry can provide an overview of some of what he might have known...

 

Tobacco had been introduced to England in 1585 by Sir Walter Raleigh. The Spanish introduced the new addiction to Europe. In England, tobacco was first sold by apothecaries as a prophylactic and medicinal. When tobacco use became a pleasure in its own right, when society adjusted to its use, other retailers began to distribute it. ([41]) By Boyick's day, hogsheads of tobacco weighed about 1000 pounds off the ship. At the other end of the handling chain were the quaint names for the products. Only the lower classes chewed tobacco, labourers and sailors. Gentler men smoked pipes or took snuff. Rolls of chewing tobacco might be called Plug, Bogie, Nailrod and Target (closer to 1800). Some rolls of tobacco were called Thick Coil, Irish Brown, Thin Coil Pigtail, Very Thin Coil or Black Twist. Carrotte was heavily sweetened and the cheapest of all. Snuff, meant was for those with more "fashionable airs and notions", ([42]) was so difficult to manufacture, a man in the trade found it difficult to find apprentices. Chewing tobacco was taken from leaf which had been cured, redried, de-stemmed and then aged. Twist tobacco could be chewed or smoked.

 

Types of snuff included: Rappee, black, scented and moist; Scotch or London Brown Rappee; or Brown Scotch, light brown, unscented, moist; High Dried was drier and more pungent. Spanish and Tobacco Snuff Four were inferior sorts tending to be made from trash. Bulk handlers found that snuff was difficult to transport without breakages. Initially, men rasped their own snuff, then manufacturers did it for them; today, elegant snuff boxes are collectables. Only labourers and sailors chewed tobacco. ([43]) (Cigars and cigarettes had to wait long beyond Boyick's time; a cigarette-making machine was not invented till the 1880s).

 

The early colonial tobacco was grown about the York and James rivers, and Carolina. The oronoco type was strong in flavour; sweet-scented or mild. Maryland especially had a strong, bright leaf popular in Holland and Northern Europe, while the Upper James River produced the leaf most popular in France. ([44]) York County grew sweet scented tobacco. ([45]) In the earlier colonial periods, Virginia tobacco was dark, air-cured, used for snuff and pipe-smoking. ([46]) Notably, Britain took almost all the Virginia leaf, which finally left colonials suspecting they had been placed in the pockets of British merchants. Most tobaccos were "all darker, rawer and stronger" than modern tobaccos. ([47]) In the early colonial period, Virginia tobacco was dark, air-cured, for snuff and pipe-smoking.

 

Transportation in hogsheads retained the original moisture levels the tobacco possessed at the shipment point. The fumes produced by the first moisture treatments of tobacco (a fermentation process) were quite pungent, could be overpowering for workers, and required well-aired workplaces. ([48]) Tobacco remained unstable in its initial cured form, as it was vulnerable to moisture fluctuations; if too dry it became brittle and shattered, if too moist it developed moulds. ([49]) (Tobacco diseases include black shank, Granville wilt, black root rot and blue mould). ([50]) The best Maryland soils were more fertile than flue, cured soils and held moisture better. Tobacco was an intensive crop, with the ploughing done in autumn. The plant beds were prepared before freezing weather set in, planting was in December-March, or perhaps May in the piedmont. ([51])

 

In the early colonial period, the boats of London merchants loaded directly from the plantation wharf, and there was little distinction made between tobacco qualities, except for a division into satisfactory or worthless leaf. As tobacco production spread into the back country, more agents were needed to collect it, a situation exploited by the Scots. Direct consignment became too cumbersome, so credit was exchanged for tobacco once bigger ships found they could not conveniently get to the tidewater wharves areas. The main tobacco centres developed at Richmond, Petersburg, Lynchburg, and for a time, Norfolk. Fraud might be perpetrated at loading, or unloading. It was not unknown for planters to load good leaf on the outside of hogsheads and put stone, dirt, or sticks at the centre. ([52]) When tobacco production moved from the tidewater areas of Maryland and Virginia to piedmont Virginia and what was to become North Carolina, the plantation system was becoming less evident. That is, there was less dependence on slavery. ([53])

 

In London, Boyick may well have found the truism of the day, Customs was regarded as "the greatest Mystery of the Water-side Business". ([54]) A knowledge of Customs duties of the times was "very complicated". ([55]) In 1783, the Customs Board had to handle an avalanche of correspondence, up to 10,000 letters per year from London, and 9000 from the outports, not including mail from Treasury and other public offices. ([56]) By 1787 there were "1425 articles liable to duty", "very many of them taxed at several times their market value", bringing in revenue of 6 million per year ... "in 1797 the customs laws filled six large folio volumes". The total number of Customs Acts before 1760 was 800, by 1813 there were 1300 more added, till Sir Robert Peel tried to re-order the chaos... ([57])

 

In 1762-1764, London merchants had begged officialdom for an extension to be made of the lawful quays of the Port of London, with new wharves being set out by a commission. ([58]) It is likely Campbell, an energetic young merchant not yet involved with older vested interests, was one of the petitioners. In 1761, there had been bother with rice from South Carolina ships, 10 or 12 of them. Hemphill like many historians has referred to persistent fraud in the tobacco outports, often due to corrupt Customs officials, less so in London. ([59]) But in 1729 in London it was discovered that a merchant John Midford, who died in 1729, had been successfully evading paying duties for years. At the time of his death he owed 17,000 in old bonds for his tobacco imports. Pumped-up outrage over this fraud provided ammunition for government propaganda as Walpole proposed the unpopular Excise Tax of 1733. Midford had used a clever dual set of book-keeping to aid his fraud. The Customs scene was complicated, busy, noisy and often confusing. As Hoon writes, most streets leading to the Customs House were narrow, crooked, steep, continually overcrowded, [there were] delays, confusion and petty theft; even in 1766, [it was] all hurry and confusion. ([60])

 

After the London merchant was aware his ship had come in, arriving from plantations, he went to the Customs House, and/or sent an agent to make an entry of his cargo. This entailed a check of the ship's entry book, which lay publicly in the Long Room. There were listings of the names of a ship and its captain; the land-waiters had to attend the unloading and assess the quality of the goods being unloading in respect of earlier cargo listings. The merchant might immediately enter his cargo, or, he needed to declare every tobacco shipment within 30 days ([61]) from the time he received an invoice. Meanwhile the Long Room officer made out a warrant specifying ship, master's name, importer's name, place of origin, kind and quantity of goods, and marks, numbers and weights of the hogsheads. The merchant signed the warrant and this authorized the landing of the cargo after payment of duties. Bills of Entry were then made and the duties were calculated. Originally, counting house men had done this, but by 1756 the merchants paid the customs men to do it. Then the merchant went to the Collector Inwards with his warrant and Bills of Entry; he may possibly have seen the receiver of Plantation Duties. Some duties had to be paid in cash, some could be paid 18 months hence. (Not until 1855 did clerks cease to carry cash and carry cheques instead, so there was resentment at thieves and pickpockets in the city who knew what men might be carrying into buildings in the customs precinct - cash.

 

Finally the merchant had to pay lighterage, charge for tobacco to be moved from ship to quay; to pay primage, pay the captain to use cables and ropes to land the goods; pay sailors for unloading; pay for cooperage to open and close the hogsheads and then repair them; pay for porterage, or cartage of tobacco; pay wharfage to the wharf owner for use of his facilities; pay warehouse rent; pay ships officers for supervising unloading of a ship. But as Hoon points out, in reality the colonial planter paid for all this. A merchant such as Campbell paid all such requirements and duties, then extracted a commission on the handling, and for acting as a middleman to the foreign or home market. The planter received the balance, which was often a debit. The nineteenth-century bond and warehousing systems, simplified after the enormous redevelopment of London's port with the advent of the West India Docks, were designed to overcome the opportunities for fraud notable in Boyick's earlier days.

 

Boyick might also have seen strange things happen in the tobacco market. As Devine has reported on the Glasgow tobacco merchants, the French especially enjoyed tobacco from the Upper James River. Glasgow closely watched French buying patterns, as the French paid in cash or in quickly discountable bills. In November 1772 the major buyers for the French, Messrs Robert Herries and Co. of London, found the Glasgow men eager to see them - they reportedly went to Sir Robert Herries "with open arms" - but later it was different and not so simple, as Herries found. ([62]) Between then and, say, 1776 Herries attempted to drive prices down by buying less - which reduced his inventories, as the Scots found. Glasgow firms in the early years of the American Revolution found they enjoyed windfall prices, as when war broke out they had no stocks left and had to buy what Glasgow had left. By March 1776, Herries was trying a too-low price for Glasgow tobacco, Britain was still confident it would win this war, most London houses had sold all their stocks, so London got no windfall gains. Glasgow forced Herries to pay better prices. ([63])

 

And lastly, in Boyick's probable experience from 1776, downriver from Deptford was a surprising institution which much have caused the hulks convicts considerable heartburn at the waste... the site of the Tobacco Burning Ground, or "King's tobacco pipe". Here, officials destroyed damaged or bad tobacco; and sometimes, seized-but-useless ships were burned. At one time, a woman had the job of taking tobacco to the ground, where, ([64]) It was said the smoke was so unpleasant, it damaged the ground, that tobacco had to be burnt at night. (The ash was used in soap making).

 

And through all their long association, Boyick would have found Campbell a man of considerable energy, with a great capacity for work. By 26 August, 1771, Campbell was writing to Peter Campbell, Jamaica, "My next will convey to you a State of your Account for the Old & New Orange Bay". By 24 October, 1771, Campbell wrote to Peter Campbell per Union, (Capt. Campbell)...

 

I take this liberty of sending you a Copy of my last for fear of a Miscarriage ... My Brother in Law's unexpected arrival here gave us a great surprise and pleasure. He has got the better of every Complaint. ... my request of your Continuance of protection to the Orange Bay Captain who I directed to apply to your Cousin John in case of that event...

 

* * *

 

Warnings about an ironworks:

 

During late 1771, about the time Boyick took up his duties, John Tayloe in Virginia took an initiative. He sent some mistrustful "hints" on 8 November, 1771, warning JS&C about the Thorntons; possibly as an older Thornton was dying. It was a warning for which Campbell was grateful. JS&C were then preparing to receive some Virginia iron on the Scarsdale, their correspondent in that matter being William Fitzhugh, Marmion (another distinguished colonial house). ([65]) Iron and tobacco were also expected to arrive by Thornton. (Later, between 1772 and 1774, Colonel Tayloe assisted Campbell by buying part of the Thornton family moiety in the Ceceqhona ironworks). ([66]) (Jacob Price notes how the trade in iron complemented the tobacco trade, particularly in regard of ship ballasting). But Campbell was soon to be disarrayed. Early in 1772 his partner John Stewart died. There was coming a financial bust in the City of London. One reason perhaps that Campbell in the 1780s was so determined to retrieve his American money was that he had inherited so many debtors from Stewart. He may have bought out Stewart's estate to do so, or, been forced to do so. He had ended, perhaps, in simply inheriting or purchasing an intolerable number of American debts. ([67])

 

* * *

 

Endnote1: A partial list of Duncan Campbell's correspondents from the index to his business letterbook 1772-1776, including Allison and Campbell, William Adam, Samuel Athawes, Coll Wm Brockenbrough and Austin Brockenbrough, Dr John Brockenbrough, Adam Barnes and Johnson, James Bain, Rev Mr Beauvoir, James and Robert Buchanan, George Buchanan, Robert Cockerell, Messrs Campbell and Dickson, Colin Currie, Stewart Carmichael, William Dickson, Charles Eyles, Fitzhugh, Fauntleroy, Richard Glascock/Glascook, Benj and Charles Grimes, Henderson and Glassford, Rhodam Kenner, Abraham Lopez and Son ([68]), James Millar Jamaica, Daniel Muse, Hudson Muse, Hugh McLean, Joshua Newall, George Noble, Francis Randall, Major Henry Ridgely, Adam Shipley, William Snydebottom, Richard Stringer, Alexr Spiers and Co., Spiers, Finch and Co., Dr Sherwin, William and Edward Telfair*, Tayloe and Thornton, William Vanderstegan**, Charles Worthington. * Cooper and Telfair. ([69])

 

Note: Cooper and Telfair in London were established in 1772, when William Telfair, came back from Savanna, Georgia, where he had been a merchant in 1764. Basil Cooper arrived and became a partner. Telfair once testified that their firm failed in London in 1776. One of the bankruptcy assignees had been David Milligan. Some assigneeships went to the ironmongers Tappenden, Stanfield and Co. In 1790, Cooper and Telfair claimed 31,631 as pre-war debt.

 

* * *

 

[Finis Chapter 13]

Chapter 13 words 7205 words and footnotes 10309 pages 18 footnotes 70

 



[1] A. E. Smith, Colonists in Bondage, p. 328. On the Tayloe family, 1769: Richard S. Dunn, `A Tale of Two Plantations - Slave Life at Mesopotamia in Jamaica, and Mount Airy In Virginia, 1799 to 1828', William and Mary Quarterly, Jan. 1977, Series 3, Vol. 34, No. 1, January 1977., pp. 32-65, conveying a great deal on Honble John Tayloe.

[2] T. T. Waterman, The Mansions of Virginia 1707-1776. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1946., throughout for Tayloe; and pp. 230, 415-418.

[3] T. Thompson, `Personal Indebtedness', p. 23.

[4] Eden's views are outlined in Alan Atkinson, `State and Empire and Convict Transportation, 1718-1812', pp. 31ff in Carl Bridge (Ed), New Perspectives in Australian History. London, Sir Robert Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London. 1990. G. C. Bolton, `William Eden and the Convicts, 1771-1787', Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 26, 1980., pp. 3-44.

[5] R. A. Swan, To Botany Bay - If Policy Warrants The Measure - A Re-appraisal. Canberra, Roebuck Society, 1973. 1772: R. A. Swan, p. 66 on William Eden (later Lord Aukland), publishing his Principles of Penal Law in 1772.

[6] R. R. Nelson, The Home Office, 1782-1801. Durham, NC, Duke University Press, 1969. On Evan Nepean and the later secret service: Richard Deacon, A History of the British Secret Service. New York, Taplinger Publishing Company, 1970., as cited in Frost, Phillip: His Voyaging, p. 290. Nepean kept a ledger of secret service payments, now in the Clements Library, Ann Arbor. Michigan, US, (e.g.: Nepean, entry of 2 Nov., 1785, Secret Service Ledger, Clements Nepean). and see HO 42 Series. Nepean began to expand secret operations from March 1782 under Shelburne. Frost comments, "Nepean's role in the development of the modern [secret] service is an unwritten chapter". Secret service accounts of the Duke of Newcastle; one-fifth of a total of about 40,000 per year was spent on "electoral work": Watson, Geo III, p. 59.

[7] Dante, The Divine Comedy, Penguin Classics, 1968, translated and commentated by Dorothy L. Sayers.

[8] Herbert E. Klingelhofer, `Matthew Ridley's Diary during the Peace Negotiations of 1782', William and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. 20, January, 1963., pp. 95-133. Ridley was an agent for John Stewart and Duncan Campbell prior to 1776. (Jacob Price writing in 1977 was unaware of Campbell as convict contractor, yet was aware that Ridley was an agent for one Duncan Campbell.)

[9] Ridley kept diaries as a domestic habit. His writings are now with the Massachusetts Historical Society.

[10] Ridley and JS&C from Baltimore 5 Jan., 1771. Ridley to Campbell from Baltimore, 5 October, 1772. Unfortunately, I have mislaid the citations for this correspondence..

[11] Oldham, Britain's Convicts, p. 27. (Notes of WDC, ML A3232) Ridley sided with the Americans by 1775 and by March 1781 had been appointed Maryland agent in France. See Klingelhofer, op cit. Correspondence footnoted, p. 95 - An item of correspondence Ridley to Stewart and Campbell, Baltimore, 5 Jan., 1771; To Duncan Campbell, Baltimore, 5 Oct., 1772 - is perplexing if not to Baltimore agents of JS&C. Campbell had correspondence with a London attorney, Samuel Goodman, on some of Ridley's dealings and "Banks' affair" on 29 Sept., 1773.

[12] One Colonel William Fitzhugh probably known to Campbell lived 1721-1798. One planter William Fitzhugh of Chatam King George County lived 1741-1809. Kellock, `London Merchants', p. 127, after January 1759, Capel Hanbury found himself handling the tobacco for Custis, the family into which George Washington had married.

[13] Members of the Fitzhugh family decided to remain in Virginia during 1600-1650, as English merchants developed faith in tobacco production, as with the earlier-noted career of Maurice Thompson. Marmion, near Comorn, King George County, in the early eighteenth century was probably built by John Fitzhugh (d. 1735). T. T. Waterman, Mansions of Virginia. On the name Fitzhugh: M. D. Conway, cited earlier. On John Tayloe and the names Tayloe-Thornton of Virginia, see T. T. Waterman, cited above, p. 145, and throughout. Arthur M. Schlesinger, in `The Aristocracy in Colonial America', pp. 528-535 in Paul Goodman, (Ed.), Essays in American Colonial History. New York, Holt, Rhinehart and Winston, 1967, briefly mentions some of the Fitzhugh family who were JS&C correspondents in 1772. T. T. Waterman, The Mansions of Virginia, 1707-1776. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1946, throughout mentions Tayloes and Fitzhughs. Virginian genealogist Stella Pickett Hardy, p. 219, notes that the Fitzhugh name goes back to Baron Bardolph, Lord of Ravensworth, Richmond County, during the reign of William the Conqueror. Bardolph was founder of the Washington and Fitzhugh families of England. The fifteenth Baron Fitzhugh, George Fitzhugh, died in 1572 with no issue, but his aunt, Alice Fitzhugh, wife of Sir John Fiennes (d. 1483) father of Thomas, eighth Baron Dacre, was the eldest daughter of Henry Fitzhugh, 13th Baron Fitzhugh, and so Sir Thomas Parr, knight, son of Elizabeth Fitzhugh, another daughter of the 13th Baron, were the next heirs, although the Barony fell into abeyance. The first connected record of the Virginia Fitzhughs begins with Hon William Fitzhugh of Bedford County, England (born 15 June, 1570), descended from Baron Bardolph; this Hon. William married one Margaret Smyth. Stella Pickett Hardy, Colonial Families of the Southern States of America: A History and Genealogy of Colonial Families Who Settled in the Colonies Prior to the Revolution. Second edition, revised, Baltimore, Genealogical Publishing Co., 1968., pp. 165, pp. 219-226, p. 321, p. 513. GEC, Peerage, Dacre, pp. 9ff; Fitzhugh, pp. 420-426ff, p. 432; Greystoke, pp. 198-199; Parr of Horton, p. 309; Scrope of Bolton, p. 545; Scrope of Masham, p. 569; Ughtred, p. 163.; Vaux of Harrowden, p. 218. Burke's Landed Gentry for Fitzhugh of Plas Power. A. L. Rowse, Raleigh and the Throckmortons, p. 9. John Shakespear, John Shakespear of Shadwell and His Descendants, 1619-1931. Newcastle, UK, Self-Published. 1931., tabulations, pp. 80ff. Other Fitzhugh genealogy is given in Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, October 1899 to October 1901. Dictionary of American Biography, for F, p. 437. Olson, `London Mercantile Lobby', p. 37. Greene, Diary of Landon Carter, Vol. 1, pp. 355-359, p. 533. Once all relevant genealogies are collected and tabulated, the Fitzhugh line seems remarkable. Some notable figures appearing include many people noted in this book, including: Sir Walter Raleigh by his marriage to Throckmorton; Sir William Courteen the Second, by his marriage to Catherine Egerton; Capel Hanbury (died 1769) the tobacco merchant; the Eden family which includes first Baron Aukland; Edward Coke (died 1753) Earl of Leicester; the sixth Duke of Argyll; Francis Egerton third Duke Bridgewater, England's canal builder; William Petty, second Earl Shelburne; second Viscount Townshend; by his marriage, Charles Magniac, of Smith and Magniac, of the firm which was a forerunner to Jardine-Matheson. The fourth Earl Selkirk; the banker family Ridley, who probably produced the American -revolutionary agent of Duncan Campbell, Matthew Ridley; Lord George Macartney, failed envoy to China in the 1790s. Some of the nineteenth century members of the family Shakespear appear, descended from the eighteenth century London alderman John. And Diana Spencer, Princess of Wales (died 1997). A very important linkage is: Sir William Parr (died 1483-1484), KG, Lord Parr of Horton, with a second wife, Elizabeth Fitzhugh, daughter of Henry, fifth Baron Fitzhugh. (Stella Hardy, Colonial Families, p. 220. (GEC, Peerage, Fitzhugh, p. 432.) This Elizabeth Fitzhugh was grandmother of Queen Katherine Parr. (GEC, Peerage, Vaux of Harrowden, pp. 216ff; Parr of Horton, p. 309; see also, A. L. Rowse, Raleigh and the Throckmortons, p. 9.) One progenitor of the Virginian Fitzhughs was William Fitzhugh of Bedford County, England (born 5 June, 1570), son of John Fitzhugh of Bedfordshire and Amy Negus. (Burke's Landed Gentry for Fitzhugh of Plas Power. GEC, Peerage, Parr of Horton, p. 309. Stella Pickett Hardy, Colonial Families, pp. 219ff.) It also appears that one Hon. Henry Fitzhugh of Bedfordshire, England, was "sent to the colonies" in the seventeenth century and had issue. In England, a Fitzhugh politician was earlier a factor for the East India Company, William Fitzhugh, MP for Tiverton, 1806-1820. He was of Bannisters, Southampton and Orchard Street, London. (Burke's Landed Gentry for Fitzhugh of Plas Power.) One planter, William Fitzhugh (possibly 1725-1791), was son of John Fitzhugh of Marmion, King George County (see T. T. Waterman). One William Fitzhugh a correspondent of Duncan Campbell in 1770 built a mansion at Chatam near Falmouth, Stafford County, Virginia. He was a member of the House of Burgesses 1772-1775, and of Revolutionary Conventions of 1775-1776. He also attended the Continental Congress. One William Fitzhugh was husband of Thomas Jefferson's cousin Mary Randolph, of Chatsworth. Later linkages in the American family lines produced the wife of Civil War's General Robert E. Lee (1807-1870). One Colonel William Fitzhugh, probably known to Campbell, lived 1721-1798. One planter William Fitzhugh of Chatam, King George County, lived 1741-1809.

[14] Shaw, Convicts and the Colonies, p. 34. Charles James Fox: a junior Lord of the Admiralty.

[15] On Lord North: Alan Valentine, Lord North. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1967.

[16] T1/478. Coldham's Listings.

[17] Schmidt, `Sold and Driven', p. 13.

[18] Campbell Letter 8: Duncan Campbell Private Letterbooks, Vol. 1.

[19] Campbell Letter 9: From Duncan Campbell Private Letterbooks, Vol. 1: John Stewart had a relative, James Stewart, resident at Oporto, Portugal, noted for wines, which he shipped to London. James Crooks was another cousin of Duncan Campbell, a resident of Jamaica. H. E. S. Fisher, The Portugal Trade: A Study of Anglo-Portuguese Commerce, 1700-1770. London, Methuen, 1971.

[20] Campbell Letter No. 10: Duncan Campbell Private Letterbooks, Vol. 1.

[21] Note to Campbell Letter 11: All Campbell's family were well. The ps contained a reference to Richard Betham. "Frank" was Frank Somerville, later partner with Noble at Jamaica. Frank died of gout in 1785. Capt. Daniel or Daniel Campbell was of Jamaica. Notes of WDC: Peter Campbell of Fish River was cousin of Dugald Campbell of Saltspring, and had an old relation, Mrs. Currie.

[22] According to Merrill Jensen, The Founding of a Nation: A History of the American Revolution, 1763-1776. London, Oxford University Press, 1968., pp. 219ff. Beckford's emphasis an a "swing to the east" here is surprising, but by the early 1770s, it was possible for an advocate of eastern trade to recommend two different pathways, that of Clive of India (where the East India Company became further embroiled in semi-governmental administration, and with less ("official") emphasis on private trade), or, that of Laurence Sulivan, who wanted less emphasis on administration and more on free private trade. The present writer has the view that ship managers later involved in convict transportation to Australia had mixed views on either model, but that the Sulivan model still had its adherents by then. On Crosby: Namier-Brooke, History of Parliament, Vol. 2, p. 278.

[23] On the repression of the working class in late 1769, Linebaugh, The London Hanged, pp. 280ff.

[24] T. Girtin, The Lord Mayor of London. London, Oxford University Press, 1948.

[25] Campbell Letters 12 and 13: Campbell wrote two letters the same day. Duncan Campbell Private Letterbook, Vol. 1. Letter 12: One of the most curiously pensive letters in the entire correspondence, this letter was to Orange Bay, not by the ship of that name. The chastising accorded, any necessity for it, and the spirit of its acceptance, are nowhere else referred to. However, the letter does reveal Campbell's political stance - conservative. Campbell was always staunchly for the government line, but his satire here is very laboured.

[26] Ekirch, Bound for America, p. 122. See T1/483. Coldham.

[27] A. E. Smith, Colonists in Bondage, p. 116.

[28] Oldham, Britain's Convicts, p. 216, Note 134; A. E. Smith, Colonists in Bondage, p. 127.

[29] Ekirch, Bound for America, p. 86. Shaw, Convicts and the Colonies, p. 37. Thomas M. Devine, The Tobacco Lords: A study of the tobacco merchants of Glasgow and their trading activities, 1740-1790. Edinburgh, Donald, 1975.

[30] Like Campbell, Colquhuon had a strong interest in healthy commerce and reduction in criminal activity. Aspects of his career are treated in the Everyman No. 835 edition of John Howard's State of the Prisons. (Orig. 1777). Linebaugh, The London Hanged, pp. 282ff. Howard's career is outlined usefully in Janet Semple, Bentham's Prison: A Study of the Panopticon Penitentiary. Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1993.

[31] Campbell Letters, various: Duncan Campbell Private Letterbooks, Vols. 1 and 2: Campbell to John Paterson, 6 June, 1771. Letters of anger at Somervilles: Campbell to Dear Bro., 6 Sept., 1770; Campbell to John Paterson, Glasgow, 6 June, 1771.

[32] Notes of WDC. These issues maintained family anger, and certainly Duncan's own, even eleven years later, as in Campbell to John Campbell Saltspring, 6 Feb., 1782: "Neil...must be one of the most ungrateful monsters on earth....I already despise him", in Duncan Campbell Private Letterbooks, Vol. 2. Similarly, 5 Dec., 1782; Campbell to Francis Somerville, who had come to detest his brother Neil.

[33] Greene, Diary of Landon Carter, p. 407.

[34] Colin Somerville was by this time deceased. Colin's father was James. One William Somerville was Provost of Beufrew in Scotland: [Notes of WDC.].

[35] Campbell Letter 14: Where Campbell was in the country is unknown. John Paterson lived in Port Glasgow and was probably agent there for the Somerville Brothers. The date of Colin Somerville's death is unknown. Orange Bay was replaced with another ship of the same name, costing 1,700 to Gravesend. Duncan took three-quarters of her.

[36] In June 1771, Campbell moved from using Vol. 1. of his Private Letter Book, to Vol. 2. Of Campbell Letter 15: Transcript from Vol. 1 of the Private Letterbooks of Duncan Campbell.

Note to Campbell Letter 15: Justitia was the JS&C ship used to transport convicts from England. From 1775-1776 she was used as a "hulk" on the Thames. 28 June, 1771, Campbell to John Paterson, Glasgow. Campbell owned most of the replacement, also named Orange Bay. 28 June, 1771. Mr. John Paterson at Port Glasgow, Scotland. Transcript from Duncan Campbell Private Letterbooks, Vol. 1.

[37] T. Thompson, `Personal Indebtedness', p. 22; Jacob M. Price's essay, `Joshua Johnson in London, 1771-1775', in Anne Whiteman et al, (Eds.), Statesmen, Scholars and Merchants, Essays ... presented to Dame Lucy Sutherland. Oxford, 1973. 1771, T. Thompson, `Personal Indebtedness', James Russell was a leader of the London tobacco trade.

[38] One James Boyick was christened on 4 November, 1749, at Laurencekirk, Kincardine, Scotland, father James Boyick, mother Margaret Harvie, who were married 24 May, 1740 in that area. Mormon IGI (computer version). It is not impossible it was the same man.

[39] Boyick's name surfaces in minor Blighiana, as in George Mackaness, (Ed), `Fresh Light' cited earlier, Part 1, p. 34, Note 28.

[40] Elizabeth Hoon, The Organisation of the English Customs System, 1696-1786., p. 155.

[41] Notes from Paul R. Johnson, (Ed.), The Economics of the Tobacco Industry. New York, Praeger, 1984., p. 4. On tobacco-handling and the complicated customs of Customs and Excise, see also varied material in Linebaugh, The London Hanged.

[42] B. W. E. Alford, WD and HO Wills and the Development of the UK Tobacco Industry, 1786-1965. London, Methuen, 1973., pp. 7-10.

[43] Notes have been taken here from Paul R. Johnson, (Ed), The Economics of the Tobacco Industry. New York, Praeger, 1984., pp.2-6, on modern tobaccos. Johnson lists types of tobacco in production in the US in 1978. Tobaccos in the old and middle belts of Virginia and North Carolina were Type 11, flue-cured. Burley tobacco an air-dried type has only one type, mostly in Kentucky and Tennessee. Cigarette-type tobacco was Maryland Type 32, from Southern Maryland, air-cured, slow-burning. Three types of fire-cured tobaccos were Virginia type 21 and Kentucky-Tennessee types 22 and 23, a principal ingredient of snuff. There was a Virginia sun-cured type 37, for chewing tobacco and small dark cigars. The common tobacco is Nicotiniana tobacum.

[44] Thomas Devine, The Tobacco Lords, p. 64.

[45] John M. Hemphill, Virginia and the English Commercial System, 1689-1733. London, Garland, 1985. [Facsimile of a 1964 Ph. D thesis, Princeton University., p. 96,

[46] Tidewater Virginia tobacco was a heavy, dark-fired leaf, lighter in body and colour on the less fertile soils of the Piedmont. Paul Johnson, (Ed.), Economics of the Tobacco Industry, p. 6 informs, as tobacco moved to the thinner soils of the piedmont, the cured leaf took a lighter, yellowish colour. Richard B. Tennant, The American Cigarette Industry. Yale University Press, 1950., p. 176.

[47] Notes from Paul R. Johnson, (Ed.), Economics of the Tobacco Industry, p. 6,

[48] Alford, WD and HO Wills, p. 7.

[49] Notes have been taken here from Paul R. Johnson, (Ed), The Economics of the Tobacco Industry, p. 11; Richard B. Tennant, American Cigarette Industry, pp. 174-175.

[50] Tennant, American Cigarette Industry, p. 183.

[51] Tennant, American Cigarette Industry, p. 178.

[52] Tennant, American Cigarette Industry, p. 210.

[53] Notes here are from Paul R. Johnson, (Ed), The Economics of the Tobacco Industry, p. 6.

[54] Elizabeth Hoon, The Organisation of the English Customs System, 1696-1786. New York. 1938., p. 32.

[55] Hoon, English Customs System, pp. 29ff.

[56] Hoon, English Customs System, p. 65.

[57] Teignmouth and Harper, The Smugglers. Vol. 1. (Orig. 1923) 1973., p. 14.

[58] Hoon, English Customs System, p. 126.

[59] John M. Hemphill, Virginia and the English Commercial System, 1689-1733. London, Garland, 1985. [Facsimile of a 1964 Ph. D thesis, Princeton University., p. 200.

[60] Hoon, English Customs System, pp. 127.

[61] Hoon, English Customs System, pp. 247-252,

[62] On Sir Robert Herries: John Booker, Traveller's Money. London, Alan Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1994. See also, the helpful career sketch in Namier-Brooke, History of Parliament, Vol. 2, pp. 615-616. R. S. Sayers, Lloyds Bank in the History of English Banking. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1957., pp. 191ff.

[63] Thomas M. Devine, The Tobacco Lords, pp. 82-83, p. 90, p. 109.

[64] Hoon, English Customs System, p. 126.

[65] On Fitzhugh: Arthur M. Schlesinger in The Aristocracy in Colonial America, pp. 528-535.

[66] See Jacob Price's information on numbers of colonial ironworks in `One Family's Empire', p. 170.

[67] Kellock mistakenly says Stewart died in 1771, adding that Campbell tried to secure the contract for felons, but could not do so as other merchants would take them to America without payment. She notes, correctly, Campbell had been of anti-Wilkesite views, but that this seems not to have hurt his business. See Duncan Campbell in Kellock, London debt claimants of 1790 appendix, p. 119.

[68] One wonders of this Abraham Lopez was a relative of Aaron Lopez (1731-1782) of Newport, Rhode Island, a Jewish merchant with large interests in slaving (and smuggling general goods from the Dutch), employing regular slave ships from Africa to Barbados and Jamaica. Considerable information on Aaron Lopez is contained in: The Nation of Islam, (Compilation), The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews. Vol. One. Boston, Mass, The Historical Research Department, The Nation of Islam, 1991 (Latimer Associates).

[69] Kellock, `London Merchants,', London debt claimants of 1790, appendix, p. 122, p. 146.

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